中国现代大学和现代学术体系的建立不过是美国国家长期战略的结果，其思想核心就是美国著名教育家、美国伊利诺大学校长詹姆士（Edmund J. James，1855~1925年）1906年提出的：“道义精神上的主宰比军旗更必然地为商贸开辟道路。”

1906年初，詹姆士向当时的总统西奥多·罗斯福（Theodore Roosevelt）提交了一份题为《关于向中国派出教育使团的备忘录》。这份备忘录开始只在私下流传，1907年，首次出现在美国基督教公理会传教士明恩溥（Arthur Henderson Smith，1845~1932年)出版的《今日的中国与美国》一书中。

在这份备忘录精神的指导下，美国人（也包括其他西方国家）立刻行动起来，先是用庚子赔款的退款招收中国留学生，建立了清华大学，又在诸多西式大学的基础上创建各种专业学会和各类学术刊物，通过消灭中国本土学术生存的制度基础达到全面控制中国人精神的目的，实现其长远的商业政治利益。今天西方强国近乎完全实现了在道义精神上征服中国的宏大战略构想。

比如，《二十一世纪》网络版二○○七年十一月号（总第68期，网址：http://www.cuhk.edu.hk/ics/21c/supplem/essay/0707045.htm，访问日期：2010年2月20日）一位中国学者发文为詹姆士备忘录辩解说：“很久以来，不少人把这份备忘录，看成是美国对中国进行文化侵略的证据。我想，应该把它看成是一个美国学者向他的国家的进言，为其国家服务。说西方对中国进行文化侵略或文化扩张，要从历史的角度来具体分析。当时西方要拿什么样的文化向中国搞扩张呢？是爱因斯坦的物理学？是莎士比亚的戏剧？是平等自由的思想？是民主政治的观念？这些不是我们要吸取的吗！”

是的，爱因斯坦的物理学我们需要，但中医那样不是建立在还原论基础上的实用知识体系就不要了吗？动物实现不能“验证”古老针灸的有效性，针灸就失去了存在价值吗？

莎士比亚戏剧可以译出，演出。但当这些译著成了白话文一统天下的重要支柱时，难道文言人就弃置不用了吗，那是中国文化的根。试想一两千年后，我们的子孙谁还能看懂用二十世纪口语（白话文）译成的莎士比亚戏剧。

平等自由、民主政治，现代化、自由市场经济也可以了解，那是西方历史的产物，但能盲从吗？因为这些人文领域的概念最缺乏学术上的中立性，常常成为一种隐性的意识形态工具。詹姆士备忘录最终不就是要推行这些理念，进而达到在精神上主宰中国，不战而屈人之兵吗？

中国成了学术上的殖民地，中国学者还是这些精神殖民者辩护——这不是无知是什么？这不是愚昧是什么？这不是奴性是什么？

作为庚款留学生的梁实秋，直到暮年（二十世纪七十年代末）读到这份备忘录的内容时才幡然醒悟，他这样写道：“罗斯福大概是接受了这个意见（指詹姆士备忘录——笔者注），以教育的方式造就一批亲美人才，从而控制中国的发展。这几句话，我们听起来能不警惕，心寒，惭愧？”（转引自程新国：《庚款留学百年》，东方出版中心，2005年，第16~17页。）

从某种意义上说，美国的“詹姆士备忘录”对中国的危害比日本侵华蓝图“田中奏折”大得多（这个奏折无论真假，都在相当程度上说明了真实的历史进程），因为今天的中国学术，特别是人文学术仍按詹姆士备忘录的指导方向发展，而我们又不觉“警惕，心寒，惭愧”！

不知何时中国才能结束这种道义精神上被无形奴役的现实！要知道，精神奴隶具有自残的性质，比现实中的奴隶更可怕；我的同胞们——醒醒吧！奋起吧！战斗吧！

                                      关于向中国派出教育使团的备忘录

文/Edmund J. James    译/翟玉忠   校/陆寿筠

 东方近期的发展表明了中美关系注定会更加紧密，无论在社会层面，还是文化层面和商业层面。中国人会来到我们国家学习我们的制度和工业。一个明显的证据是中国使团（Chinese Commission，即清廷派出的出洋考察团——译者注）当下或近来在我国的考察。我们的人也会去中国学习他们的制度和工业，所有促进相互交往和增进互相了解的努力一定有益于两个国家。

如果这时美国政府派遣一个教育使团去中国，其主要职能是访问帝国政府、并在其赞同下访问每一个省级政府，目的是通过这些省政府，代表美国教育机构向有可能留学海外的中国青年发出正式邀请，请他们到这些机构来学习，这会对我们两国大有助益。这一考察团的委派将会进一步加强联结我们两个伟大民族的同情和友谊的纽带。

中国正面临一场革命。当然，因为这个国家人口众多、土地广袤，如果没有其他原因，它不会如日本革命那样迅速地发生。人们相信，除了暂时的挫折与反动，这一已经开始的革命不会再全然失败。

世界上每个大国不可避免地会与这一巨大变革发生程度不等的紧密关系。至于是什么样的关系那是要由这些国家自己来决定的——是亲善、友好、同情，还是铁拳暴力相向。关于这件事情，我们美国当毫不犹豫地加以决断。哪个国家能够做到成功教育这一代中国青年，那个国家为此付出的一些努力，就会在道义、文化及商业的影响力方面获取最大的回报。如果美国在三十年前就成功地把中国留学潮引向美国、并使其长盛不衰（曾经有一度看来快成功了），那么我们今天就可以通过文化知识上和精神上对中国领袖群体的主宰作用，以最令人满意又最微妙的方式控制中国的走向。

       中国已经派遣了数百、甚至数千的年轻人去外国留学，据说有五千在日本，数百在欧洲——仅在撮尔小国比利时就有三百人。这意味着这些人回国后将引导中国效仿欧洲而不是美国，效仿英国、法国、德国，而不是美利坚合众国；这意味着他们将推荐英国、法国和德国的教师和工程师在中国担任要职，而不是推荐美国人；这意味着中国人将买英国、法国和德国商品，而不是美国货；各种工业上的特许权将给予欧洲，而不是美国。当然，由于地域和种族相近、以及所需旅行和生活费用较少，目前绝大多数中国青年很自然地选择去日本而不是去欧洲或来美国。同时，中国人在许多方面忌妒日本人，若其他情况相同，他们会更愿意将年轻人送往其他国家。在所有这些其他国家中，如果不是因为我们的排华法案，尤其是我们施行这一法案的不友好态度，美国会是最自然的选择，因为中国政府无论如何从未真正反对我们目的在于防止中国劳工移民的法案，他们只是反对我们通过和施行这一法案的方式方法。

我们是中国人的天然朋友，我们曾经是他们真正的政治盟友。我们阻止了中华帝国被瓜分；在远东，与其他国家相比，我们给了他们最接近公正的待遇。因此，在政治关系方面，他们对我们比对其他国家较少猜疑。他们由于我们在海关粗暴对待中国体面人士所受的精神创伤很快会被我们公正得体的行为抹平。可以相信，通过一种大张旗鼓和令人满意的方式，以较小的努力我们就会赢得中国人的善意。我们可以不接受中国的劳工，但可以体面地对待中国学生，为他们提供我们的教育设施。我们今天的高等院校远比欧洲国家的院校更能满足一般中国学生认识欧洲文明的愿望。我们只需要让他们注意这些事实，以保证他们的到来，有利的结果必将从这一能影响他们全部思想和情感的机缘中自然产生。

     如果美国政府正式派一个教育使节，带一两名助手去中国，通过北京政府和各省政府，代表美国政府和各高等院校，热情邀请中国人像使用他们自己的机构一样利用我们的优势条件，显然这可以给中国人留下深刻的印象。中国人会赞赏，就像我们也会赞赏，向别国派遣这样的正式使节所显示的恭敬之意。这是使任何国家都会感到骄傲的一种尊重——而中国人是对于攸关自己尊严的任何事情特别自傲和敏感的一个民族。

这样一个使节团去到每个省份，会使他们有机会向中国政府提供有关美国及其教育机构的许多信息。而且，因为这些政府所询问的当然不会仅限于教育和教育机构，所以传遍中国的信息不会仅仅是有关教育的，也会与工商业相关。通过以如此方式与有影响力的中国人接触，就有可能应他们所求，直接地推荐他们所需的美国教师、工程师和其他人员。我特别提到这一点，是因为我知道，中国的国务要员们急于想从美国和欧洲得到恰当的人才以协助他们的各类事业和政府企业。我自己去年一年中就被中国不同地方的政府询问过四次，想聘请愿意在中国担任五、六年显要公职的年轻人。

总之，这样一个使节团的访问会留下多方面的长远影响，其价值将极大地超过整个举动可能所需的代价。它会在许多意想不到的方向上结出硕果，超过我们目前的预期，在教育，工商和国务领域显示出新奇的得益可能性。此举的道义影响一经扩展，即使从纯粹物质意义上说，也能够比用别的方法付出相同代价获得更多的回报——道义精神上的主宰比军旗更必然地为商贸开辟道路。

（译自：Arthur Henderson Smith：China and America To-day——A Study of Conditions and Relations，Fleming H.Revell Company,1907,P213~218）

英文原文：

    Memorandum concerning the sending of an Educational Commission to China

                                             by Edmund J. James, President

The recent developments in the Orient have made it apparent that China and the United States are destined to come into ever more intimate relations, social, intellectual, and commercial. The Chinese will come to this country for the purpose of studying our institutions and our industry. A striking evidence of this fact is afforded by the work of the Chinese Commission now or lately in the United States. Our own people will go to China for the purpose of studying Chinese institutions and industry. Anything which will stimulate this mutual intercourse and increase mutual knowledge must redound to the benefit of both nations.

A great service would be done to both countries if the Government of the United States would at the present juncture send an educational commission to China, whose chief function should be to visit the Imperial Government, and with its consent each of the provincial governments of the Empire, for the purpose of extending through the authority of these Provinces to the young Chinese who may go abroad to study, a formal invitation on the part of our American institutions of learning to avail themselves of the facilities of such institutions. The appointment of such a commission would draw still closer the bonds which unite these two great nations in sympathy and friendship.

China is upon the verge of a revolution. It will not, of course, be as rapid as was the revolution in Japan, if for no other reason, because of the vast numbers of the nation and the enormous extent of its territory. But it is not believed that this revolution which has already begun can ever again suffer more than a temporary backset and reaction.

Every great nation in the world will inevitably be drawn into more or less intimate relations with this gigantic development. It is for them to determine, each for itself, what these relations shall be, — whether those of amity and friendship and kindness, or those of brute force and ' the mailed fist.' The United States ought not to hesitate as to its choice in this matter. The nation which succeeds in educating the young Chinese of the present generation will be the nation which for a given expenditure of effort will reap the largest possible returns in moral, intellectual, and commercial influence. If the United States had succeeded thirty- five years ago, as it looked at one time as if it might, in turning the current of Chinese students to this country, and had succeeded in keeping that current large, we should to-day be controlling the development of China in that most satisfactory and subtle of all ways, — through the intellectual and spiritual domination of its leaders.

China has already sent hundreds, indeed thousands, of its young men into foreign countries to study. It is said that there are more than five thousand Chinese studying in Japan, while there are many hundreds in Europe — three hundred in the little state of Belgium alone. This means that when these Chinese return from Europe they will advise China to imitate Europe rather than America, — England, France, and Germany, instead of the United States. It means that they will recommend English and French and German teachers and engineers for employment in China in positions of trust and responsibility rather than American. It means that English, French, and German goods will be bought instead of American, and that industrial concessions of all kinds will be made to Europe instead of to the United States. Now it is natural, of course, that the vast majority of Chinese youth should go to Japan to study rather than to European countries or the United States, owing to its proximity, to racial affinity, and to the smaller cost of  travel and living. On the other hand, the Chinese are in many points jealous of the Japanese, and, other things being equal, would often prefer to send their young people to other countries. Among all these countries the United States would be the most natural one to choose, if it had not been for our anti-Chinese legislation, and still more for the unfriendly spirit in which we have administered this legislation, for the Chinese Government at any rate never really objected to our legislation directed toward preventing the immigration of Chinese labourers, but only to the manner in which we passed such laws and the way in which we administered them.

We are the natural friends of the Chinese. We have been their real political friends. We have stood between the Chinese Empire and dismemberment; we have come more nearly giving them the square deal in all our relations in the East than any other nation. They are consequently less suspicious of us, as far as our politics are concerned, than of any other people. Their justly sore feeling over our treatment of Chinese gentlemen in our custom-houses will yield quickly to fair and decent conduct on our part. It is believed that by a very small effort the good-will of the Chinese may now be won over in a large and satisfactory way. We may not admit the Chinese labourer, but we can treat the Chinese student decently, and extend to him the facilities of our institutions of learning. Our colleges and universities are to-day far better adapted for giving the average Chinese student what he desires in the way of European civilisation, than the schools and colleges of any European country. We need but to bring these facts to their attention in order to secure their attendance here, with all the beneficial results which would flow from such an opportunity to influence the entire current of their thought and feelings.

If a commissioner with one or two assistants were sent to China representing the American Government in a formal way in the field of education, and should extend to the Chinese people, through the Government at Peking and through the provincial governments, a cordial invitation from the United States, and from the institutions of higher learning in the United States to avail themselves of these advantages exactly as they would if they were their own institutions, it is apparent that a great impression might be produced upon the Chinese people. The Chinese appreciate, as well as we, the compliment implied in sending a formal commission of this sort to another country. It is a recognition such as any country might be proud of, and the Chinese are a singularly proud and sensitive people in everything that concerns their own dignity.

Such a commission going to each of the Provinces would have an opportunity to give the Chinese Government much information about the United States and its educational institutions; and as the inquiries of such governments would not be limited, of course, to education and educational institutions, so the information spread abroad throughout China would not relate simply to educational matters, but to industrial and commercial as well. It would be possible, through this method of coming in contact with influential Chinese, to recommend directly to them in response to their requests, American teachers, engineers, and other people whose services they might like to obtain. I mention this point especially because I know that the leading Chinese statesmen are anxious to get just the right kind of men from America and Europe as assistants in all sorts of business and governmental enterprises, having had myself, during the last year, four inquiries from different Chinese governments for young men who would be willing to spend five or six years in the Chinese public service in responsible and influential positions.

In a word, the visit of such a commission would exert a manifold and far-reaching influence, exceeding greatly in value any possible cost of the enterprise. It would have results in many unexpected directions outrunning all our present anticipations, and showing new and surprising possibilities of usefulness in the fields of education, business, and statesmanship. The extension of such moral influence as this would, even in a purely material sense, mean a larger return for a given outlay than could be obtained in any other manner. Trade follows moral and spiritual domination far more inevitably than it follows the flag.