[I N T R O D U C T I O N:  CHAPTER I:  Shang Yang in History]

2. The Life of Shang Yang (1)
From the foregoing it will be clear that the Lord of Shang, apart from his supposed connection with the Book, is a person of considerable interest in history. I propose therefore to p.8 give his biography in full, first as it is given in the Shih-chi (142), and then in the short form of the Chan-kuo-ts’ê (143). Thereafter we shall discuss the authenticity of these stories.

A. The Biography of the Lord of Shang (144) in the Shih-chi

The Lord of Shang was one of the descendants, by a concubine, of the family of Wei. His name was Yang, and his family name was Kiung-sun (145). His ancestors had, originally, the surname of Chi. In his youth, he was fond of the study of criminal law; he served Kung-shu Tso (146), the p.9 Minister of Wei, and became chung-shu-tzu (147). Kung-shu Tso knew that he was capable, but before presenting him at court, it so happened that (Kung-shu) Tso fell ill. King Hui (148) of Wei went personally to inquire after his illness and said:
— Your illness is too serious not to speak about it: what provision should be made in future for the altar of the soil and grain (149) ?

Kung-shu Tso said:
— My chung-shu-tzu, Kung-sun Yang, though young still in years, has talent. May the King be pleased to listen to him in all state affairs.

The King was silent. When the King was on the point of leaving, Tso bade everyone go out, and said:
— If Your Majesty will not listen to Yang, nor employ him, then You should put him to death and not allow him to leave the country.

The King assented and departed. Kung-shu Tso called Yang, and taking leave of him said:
— To-day, the King inquired of me who could be appointed councillor, and I mentioned you. From the King’s appearance. I believe he did not agree with my suggestion. I then placed the interest of the King before that of the subject, and therefore said to the King, that if he were not going to employ Yang he should kill him, and the King agreed to my suggestion. You had better leave as soon as possible or else you will be p.10 arrested.

Yang replied:
— If the King does not act on your words to appoint me, how should he act on your words to kill me ? In the end he did not leave. As soon as King Hui had left, he said to his entourage:
— It is regrettable that Kung-shu is so ill ! He desires me to employ Kung-sun Yang as state councillor — is this not absurd (150) ?

As soon as Kung-shu had died, Kung-sun Yang heard that Duke Hsiao of Ch’in had issued an order, inviting the capable men t hroughout the country, in order to restore the heritage of Duke Mu, and to recover the occupied territory in the east (151). He, thereupon, went westward to p.11 Ch’in and through Ching Chien (152), a favourite of Duke Hsiao, obtained an interview with Duke Hsiao. When Duke Hsiao received Wei Yang, they talked for a long time about affairs, but Duke Hsiao repeatedly fell asleep and did not listen. At the conclusion of the interview, he was angry with Ching Chien, saying:
— This guest of yours is a good-for-nothing, how should he deserve to be employed ?

Ching Chien reproved Wei Yang, who replied:
— I talked to the Duke about the Way of the Emperors, but his interest was not awakened.
After five days he (Ching Chien) again requested that Yang be given an audience. At this second interview between Yang and Duke Hsiao, although, there was an improvement, yet he did not strike the Princes attention. When it was over, Duke Hsiao again reproved Ching Chien, who in turn reproved Yang. The latter said:
— I talked to the Duke about the Way of the Kings, but I did not get my argument home.

He (Ching Chien) requested that Yang be again given an audience, and when Yang was received by Duke Hsiao, the latter liked him, without, however, employing him. At the conclusion, when he had gone, Duke Hsiao said to Ching Chien:
— Your guest is an interesting man to talk to !

Yang said:
— I spoke to the Duke of the Way of the Lords Protector and he was inclined to make use of it. If indeed he will have another interview with me, then I shall know. When Wei Yang had another interview with Duke Hsiao, the Duke, in talking with him, did not himself notice that his (Wei Yang’s) knees had advanced on to his mat. He talked with him several days without being tired of it.
Ching Chien said:
— How have p.12 you made such an impression upon our Prince ? He is extraordinarily pleased with you.

Yang replied:
— When I talked to the Prince of the Way of the Emperors and Kings and made comparisons between the Three Dynasties, the Prince said: « This takes a long time and is a distant ideal. I cannot wait ! Besides, capable princes have always made their fame shine through the world, during their own lifetime, how can one anxiously wait several thousand years, in order to become an emperor or king ? » « When, therefore, I spoke to the Prince of the methods of making a state powerful, he was greatly delighted with them. However, as far as virtue is concerned, it is difficult to compare them with those used by the Yin and Chou dynasties.

As soon as Duke Hsiao employed Wei Yang, the latter desired to alter the laws, but the former feared that the Empire might find fault with him (153), whereupon Wei Yang said (154):
— He, who hesitates in action, obtains no fame; he who hesitates in affairs, gains no merit. Moreover, he who conducts himself as an outstanding man, is, as a matter of course, disapproved of by the world, and he, who has thoughts of independent knowledge, is certainly despised by the p.13 people. The stupid do not even understand an affair, when it has been completed, but the vise see it before it has sprouted. One cannot let the people share in the thoughts about the beginning of an affair, but they should be allowed to share in the rejoicings over its completion. He, who is concerned about the highest virtue is not in harmony with popular ideas; he, who accomplishes a great work, does not take counsel with the multitude. Therefore, a sage, if he is able thereby to strengthen the state, does not model himself on antiquity, nor, if he is able thereby to benefit the people, does he adhere to established rites.

Duke Hsiao expressed his approval, but Kan-Lung said:
— Not so. A sage teaches without changing the people, and a wise man obtains good government, without altering the laws. If one teaches in accordance with the spirit of the people, success will be achieved without effort; if one governs holding on to the law, officials will be well versed in it and the people will live quietly by it.

Wei Yang replied:
— What Lung holds is the point of view of the man-in-the-street. Ordinary people abide by the old customs and scholars are immersed in the study of what is reported (from antiquity). These two kinds of people are all right for filling offices and for maintaining the law; but they are not the kind, who can take part in a discussion, which goes beyond the law. The Three Dynasties have attained supremacy by different rites, and the five Lords Protector have attained their protectorships by different laws. A wise man creates laws, but a foolish man is controlled by them; a man of talent reforms rites, but a worthless man is enslaved by them.

Tu Chih said:
— Unless the advantage be a hundredfold, one should not reform the law; unless the benefit be tenfold, one should not alter an instrument. In taking antiquity as one’s example, one makes no mistakes, and in following established rites, one commits no offence.

Wei Yang replied:
— There is more than one way to govern the world, and there is no necessity to imitate antiquity, in order to take appropriate measures for the state. Therefore, T’ang and Wu succeeded in attaining supremacy without following antiquity, and the Hsia and Yin dynasties perished, without rites having been altered. Those, who acted counter to antiquity, should not be condemned, nor should those, who followed established rites, merit much praise.

Duke Hsiao said:
— Excellent !
He made Wei Yang Tso-shu-chang (155). Finally he fixed the mandate by which the laws were altered. He ordered the people to be organized into groups of fives and tens mutually to control one another and to share one another’s punishments (156). Whoever did not denounce a culprit would be cut in two; whoever denounced a culprit would receive the same reward as he, who decapitated an enemy; whoever concealed a culprit would receive the p.15 same punishment as he, who surrendered to an enemy. People, who had two males or more (in the family), without dividing the household, had to pay double taxes (157). Those, who had military merit, all received titles from the ruler (158), according to a hierarchic ladder. Those, who had private quarrels, were punished according to the severity of their offence. Great and small had to occupy themselves, with united force, with the fundamental occupations of tilling and weaving, and those who produced a large quantity of grain or silk, were exempted from forced labour. Those, who occupied themselves with secondary sources of profit, and those who were poor through laziness, were taken on as slaves. Those of the princely family, who had no military merit, could not be regarded as belonging to the princely clan. He made clear the distinctions between high and low, and between the various ranks and degrees, each according to its place in the hierarchy. He apportioned fields, houses, servants, concubines, and clothes, all differently, according to the families. Those, who had merit, were distinguished by honours; while those who had no merit, though they might be rich, had no glory whatever.

When the mandate was already drawn up, but still unpublished, fearing that the people would not believe it, he placed a pole of 30 feet near the south gate of the capital, and having summoned the people, said that he would give p.16 ten ounces of gold to anyone, who could remove it to the north gate. The people thought it strange, but there was no one who dared move it. Thereupon, he said that he would give fifty ounces of gold to anyone who would remove it. There was one man, who removed it, and forthwith he gave him the fifty ounces of gold, to make it clear that he deceived no one.

Finally the mandates were published. When they had been enforced upon the people for the term of a year, the people of Ch’in, who came to the capital and at first said that the laws were not appropriate, could be counted by the thousand. Then, the Crown Prince infringed the law. Wei Yang said:
— It is owing to the infringements by the highly placed, that the law is not carried out. We shall apply the law to the Crown Prince; as, however, he is Your Highness’s heir, we cannot subject him to capital punishment. Let his tutor, Prince Ch’ien, be punished and his teacher, Kung-sun Chia (159), be branded.

The following day, the people of Ch’in all hastened into (the path of) the law. When it had been in force for ten years, the people of Ch’in greatly rejoiced: things dropped on the road were not picked up (160); in the mountains there were no robbers; families were self-supporting, and people had plenty; they were brave in public warfare and timid in private quarrels, and great p.17 order prevailed throughout the countryside and in the towns.

From among those of the people of Ch’in, who had at first said that the mandates were inappropriate, some came to say that the mandates were appropriate. Wei Yang said:
— These are all disorderly people; they should be banished to the frontiers.

Thereupon, none of the people dared to discuss the mandates. Then was Yang appointed Ta-liang tsao (161), and at the head of an army he laid siege to An-i in Wei, and conquered it (162).

 After a lapse of three years, he built pillars for the issuing of mandates and constructed a palace at Hsien-yang (163). Ch’in moved its capit al from Yung (164) thither, and an order was issued p.18 forbidding fathers and sons, elder and younger brothers from living together in the same houses (165); the small cities, villages and towns were to be combined into districts, hsien (166), over which he placed officials called prefects, ling, and assistants, ch’eng, altogether thirty-one districts. In order to obtain arable land he opened up the longitudinal and horizontal paths (167) and the border country, and the fu and shui taxes were p.19 equalized (168); he standardized weights, scales, and measures of quantity and length.

After the orders had been in force for four years, Prince Ch’ien (169) again infringed the law, and his nose was sliced off as punishment. After five years the people of Ch’in were rich and strong, and the Son of Heaven sent a present of sacrificial meat to Duke Hsiao, and all the feudal lords congratulated him (170). In the following year, Ch’i (171) beat the army of Wei at Ma-ling and captured their p.20 crown prince, Shen, and killed their general, P’ang Chüan. In the fo llowing year, Wei Yang counselled Duke Hsiao as follows:
— The relations between Ch’in and Wei are like a man with a disease in his stomach and heart (172). If Wei does not annex Ch’in, Ch’in will annex Wei. For what is the situ ation ? Wei occupies the country west of the mountain passes and has its capital in An-I (173); it has the Yellow River as frontier in common with Ch’in, but it alone usurps all the advantages of the country east of the mountains. If it is successful, then it will come westward to invade Ch’in, but if it suffers reverses, it will still keep its territory in the east. Now considering, on the one hand, the ability and wisdom of Your Highness, and the prosperous state of the country, and on the other hand, the fact that Wei, in the past year, has suffered severe defeats from Ch’i, and that all the feudal lords have defected from it, we should avail ourselves of this time to attack Wei. If Wei is unable to withstand Ch’in, it will cert ainly move its capital eastward, and if it does so, Ch’in will be able to rely on the natural strength of the river and mountains, so that in an easterly direction, we shall p.21 be able to control the feudal lords (174). This is an undertaking worthy of an ancient emperor or king !

Duke Hsiao consented and sent Wei Yang, at the head of an army, to attack Wei, while Wei sent Prince Ang at the head of its army to engage him in battle. When the armies were opposite each other, Wei Yang sent a letter to the general of Wei, Prince Ang, saying:
— Originally, I had friendly relations with you, and now we are the generals of two different countries; it is unbearable that we should fight each other, and so I suggest that we have a personal interview, make an alliance with music and drinking, and desist from war, so that Ch’in and Wei may have peace. Prince Ang agreed to the proposal; they met and made an alliance, and when all was over, sat drinking, when suddenly armed soldiers, hidden by Wei Yang, sprang forward and captured Price Ang. Following up this advantage, they attacked his army and completely destroyed it and then returned to Ch’in (175). p.22 King Hui of Wei, his army having been repeatedly beaten by Ch’i and Ch’in, being depleted of resources within the state and daily becoming weaker, was afraid, and sent a messenger to cut off the territory, west of the river, and to cede it to Ch’in, so as to make peace. Wei thereupon left An–i and removed its capital to Ta-liang (176).

King Hui of Liang ( =Wei) said:
— I regret that I did not follow the advice of Kung-shu Tso (177). p.23 When Wei Yang had defeated Wei, on his return to Ch’in, he was awarded fifteen cities in Shang (178), as fief, and was called the Lord of Shang. When Lord Shang had been Chancellor of Ch’in for ten years, the majority of the members of the princely family and of the nobility bore him a grudge.